Skip to content

Participatory Culture Essay Anthropology

Many early works in fan studies (see Bacon-Smith 1992 and Jenkins 1992, both cited under Foundational Works) sought to describe the full scope and range of fan cultural production, but there has been an increasing focus over time on more specialized accounts of specific fan communities and practices. Booth 2010, Hills 2002, Sandvoss 2005, Staiger 2005, and Tulloch and Jenkins 1995 provide overviews of the existing body of fan theory and research while advancing and illustrating their own conceptual models. Bacon-Smith 2000 describes the history and sociology of the science fiction fan community, expanding on the author’s earlier work—which focuses on female fans—to also consider male fan interests. Jenkins 2006 uses fan reception and production as starting points for a more far-reaching account of how media gets produced and consumed in an era of participatory culture, collective intelligence, and networked communication. Core debates here center on whether the focus of fan studies should be on individuals or communities, whether the focus should be on meaning-construction or affect and pleasure, and whether fans should be seen as different from mainstream audiences by degree or by kind. Abercrombie and Longhurst 1998 develops a taxonomy for examining the different kinds of fan investments.

  • Abercrombie, Nicholas, and Brian Longhurst. Audiences: A Sociological Theory of Performance and Imagination. London: SAGE, 1998.

    Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Describes fandom as an intermediate space between consumption and production; develops a continuum of possible consumer identities, distinguishing among fans, cultists, and enthusiasts.

    Find this resource:

  • Bacon-Smith, Camille. Science Fiction Culture. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000.

    Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Sustained consideration of the fan community around science fiction literature and its relationship to the companies that help sustain the genre. Provides insight into the ways fandom has historically functioned here as a training ground for professional authors. Key backdrop for understanding media science fiction fan cultures.

    Find this resource:

  • Booth, Paul. Digital Fandom: New Media Studies. New York: Lang, 2010.

    Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Using the alternate reality game as a central metaphor, explores the “playfulness” of contemporary digital culture with a strong focus on wikis, role play, and the “digi-gratis” economy that has emerged around online fandom.

    Find this resource:

  • Hills, Matt. Fan Cultures. London: Routledge, 2002.

    Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Explores and models a range of different theoretical and methodological approaches to fan studies. Includes a critique of what Hills sees as the rationalist bias of early work in the field. Attempts to reclaim the roles of fantasy and affect in the formation of fan preferences and identities.

    Find this resource:

  • Jenkins, Henry. Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide. New York: New York University Press, 2006.

    Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Adopts a fan-centric approach for understanding the increasingly complex relations between producers and consumers at the intersection between old and new media.

    Find this resource:

  • Sandvoss, Cornel. Fans: The Mirror of Consumption. Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2005.

    Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Attempts to recenter fan studies by moving away from the study of fan communities and focusing instead on the emotional investments of individual fans, which Sandvoss understands through the lens of narcissism.

    Find this resource:

  • Staiger, Janet. “Fans and Fan Behaviors.” In Media Reception Studies. By Janet Staiger, 95–114. New York: New York University Press, 2005.

    Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Traces the move from pathological to celebratory accounts of fan engagement and participation.

    Find this resource:

  • Tulloch, John, and Henry Jenkins. Science Fiction Audiences: Watching Doctor Who and Star Trek. London: Routledge, 1995.

    Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Illustrates a range of different models and methods for analyzing fan responses to science fiction through case studies of audiences for the British Doctor Who and the American Star Trek. Discusses fans as a “powerless elite” that seeks to shape how popular texts are consumed and evaluated. Looks at fan culture in relation to debates about class, gender, sexuality, and technology. Also see Overviews of Specific Fandoms.

    Find this resource:

  • Last Saturday, I spoke at a conference being organized by the Media Studies Program at the University of Virginia, Connections: The Future of Media Studies. Among the others speaking were Jeff Alexander, Michael Delli Carpini, Henry Jenkins, Eric Klinenberg, Marwan Kraidy, Sonia Livingstone, Robert McChesney, Paddy Scannell, Jonathan Sterne, Lisa Gitelman, and Eszter Hargittal. I thought I would share my remarks for the "critical information studies" panel through the blog since they represent a pretty good summary of some of the things I've been thinking about and working on over the past few years.

    Tim O'Reilly's concept of "web 2.0" was first promoted at a 2004 conference of key industry leaders and later spread via his "What is Web 2.0" essay. "Web 2.0" has become increasingly institutionalized as the definitive account of the business plans and cultural practices defining the digital realm in the early 21st century. O'Reilly's concept is now spreading into discussions about politics and government, education, and grassroots cultural practices, becoming increasingly defused as it travels. There have been surprisingly few attempts to seriously understand its core assumptions or propose other models for describing the shifting relations between media producers and consumers.

    O'Reilly's original essay encoded the "best practices" of those companies (Amazon, Yahoo, Google, among them) which had survived the dotcom meltdown, offering advice for venture capitalists and entrepreneurs who wanted to seize the next new business opportunity. O'Reilly describes a world where companies are able to "harness the collective intelligence" and circulate "user-generated content" from their consumers, where the key component of any new digital service or platform involves designing an "architecture of participation," and where user-led innovation fuels the ongoing innovation and retooling of new technologies. The term, "Web 2.0" arrived just in time to offer a handy explanation for Wikipedia, YouTube, Second Life, Facebook, and Twitter.

    Initially, the discourse of "web 2.0" was embraced as offering a progressive alternative to the alienation of the consumer from the means of cultural production and circulation and these companies have been understood as enabling a more diverse media culture. Yet, over the past few years, struggles between users and owners (still operative distinctions in most web 2.0 companies), such as debates around FanLib (the attempt to commodify an existing participatory culture), Live Journal (the attempt to censor user-generated content), Facebook (shifts in privacy standards and the terms of service), and YouTube (automatic take-downs which impinge on fair use), are starting to reveal some of the contradictions and conflicts masked by O'Reilly's "architecture of participation."

    There is an urgent need for serious reflection on the core models of cultural production, distribution, ownership, and participation underlying "web 2.0." Almost everyone involved sees our culture as moving in a more participatory direction, yet struggles over web 2.0 will help to determine the terms of our participation.

    As we seek to complicate and modify the "web 2.0" model, academic theory needs to move beyond blunt critiques, which read these new developments as "business as usual" and reflect a knee-jerk distaste for consumerism, towards more nuanced accounts which understand the specific mechanisms being deployed and understands the public's stake in participation. The pitches of web 2.0 companies respond to real shifts in the ways that the general public understands their role in the culture or their political agency which need to be respected. The platforms represent a radical change in mechanisms for filtering and circulating media content which need to be acknowledged if we are to fully understand what's at risk in these discussions.

    At the same time, those of us who have long advocated for a more "participatory culture" need to better define our ideals and identify and confront those forces that threaten the achievement of those ideals. This should be a moment for renewed communication across theoretical paradigms and political perspectives so that we may frame cogent responses. As we learn from each other, we need to adopt a multifront perspective: offering critiques of the corporate web 2.0 model, shoring up the alternative grassroots model of participatory culture, promoting educational and political reforms which may empower more people to meaningfully participate in the production and circulation of culture.

    Theory -- both academic and vernacular -- becomes a key resource in these struggles, but only if we can build bridges between university researchers and those involved in other sites of media change. Academics need to be engaging with policy makers, media producers, fans, citizens, educators, and other constituencies who are part of the ongoing conversations which will redefine our cultural future. Right now, our theories are struggling to keep up with the change and falling far behind what's needed on the ground as people think through their own relationships to new cultural systems and emerging corporate practices.

    Across a range of recent projects, I have been returning to a term I coined very early in my career, participatory culture, and seeking to refine it into what might be considered an alternative model for understanding the shifts in cultural production and economic relations. "Web 2.0" is not the same thing as "participatory culture," though its promoters often seek to absorb grassroots expression fully into its business model. In Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide, I made the case that our current cultural landscape is being changed as much by bottom-up pressures from consumers and citizens as from top-down pressures from media conglomerates. Across the 20th century subcultural deployment of emerging technologies have paved the way for a greater public expectation that they will be able to meaningfully reshape the media they consume. The rise of digital networks is facilitating new forms of "collective intelligence" which are allowing groups of consumers to identify and pursue common interests. Alternative forms of cultural production, such as those surrounding fandom and other subcultural communities, are gaining much greater visibility as they move through emerging platforms. Skills acquired through participation in popular culture are spilling over into education, politics, and religion, reshaping the operations of other core institutions.

    In Confronting the Challenges of a Participatory Culture: Media Education for the 21st Century, a white paper drafted for the MacArthur Foundation, I develop a framework for thinking about educational policy which reflects these changes, identifying eleven social skills and cultural competencies we believe need to be fully incorporated into educational practices if all young people are going to become full participants in this shifting media landscape. There, we offer one definition of participatory culture:

    "A participatory culture is a culture with relatively low barriers to artistic expression and civic engagement, strong support for creating and sharing one's creations, and some type of informal mentorship whereby what is known by the most experienced is passed along to novices. A participatory culture is also one in which members believe their contributions matter, and feel some degree of social connection with one another. Participatory culture shifts the focus of literacy from one of individual expression to community involvement."

    More recently, I have been seeking to better understand the mechanisms by which consumers curate and circulate media content, rejecting current discussions of "viral media" (which hold onto a top-down model of cultural infection) in favor of an alternative model of "spreadability" (based on the active and self conscious agency of consumers who decide what content they want to "spread" through their social networks. This work argues that what I am calling participatory culture might best be understood in relation to ideas about the "gift economy" developed by Lewis Hyde in The Gift. "Web 2.0" might then be read in terms of negotiations around value and worth which occur at the intersections between commodity culture and the gift economy. Richard Sennett's recent book, The Craftsman, offers a rich account of how cultural labor has historically been motivated by forces other than pure profit, reflecting desires for personal achievement and expression and for a "job well done," which might help explain what motivates the pro-am productivity within our current digital economy.

    This new emphasis on "participatory culture" represents a serious rethinking of the model of cultural resistance which dominated cultural studies in the 1980s and 1990s. Cultural resistance is based on the assumption that average citizens are largely locked outside of the process of cultural production and circulations; De Certeau's "tactics" (especially as elaborated through the work of John Fiske) were "survival mechanisms" which allowed us to negotiate a space for our own pleasures and meanings in a world where we mostly consumed content produced by corporate media; "poachers" in my early formulations were "rogue readers" whose very act of reading violated many of the rules set in place to police and organize culture. Increasingly, audience participation is factored into the business plans and are central to the design of media franchises; media companies alternatively seek to court and control an increasingly unruley audience as fans and other consumers recognize that collectively we exert much greater influence on the cultural agenda and are helping to generate the content that others are consuming.

    As consumers and citizens have taken media into their own hands, they are becoming more aware of the economic and legal mechanisms which might blunt their cultural influence and are defining strategies for using these new platforms in ways that promote their own interests rather than necessarily those of their corporate owners. In this new context, participation is not the same thing as resistance nor is it simply an alternative form of co-optation; rather, struggles occur in, around, and through participation which have no predetermined outcomes. Both producers and consumers may now be understood as "participants" in this new media ecology, while recognizing that they do so from positions of unequal power, resources, skills, access, and time.

    Next time: I will identify some of the core conflicts/issues which are shaping media policy and critical information studies in the early 21st century.